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Saturday 24 January 2015

Carbon tax to meet climate concerns

MUCH NEEDED: “The carbon tax is an idea whose time has come given the current oil price situation.”
AP
MUCH NEEDED: “The carbon tax is an idea whose time has come given the current oil price situation.”

India can display bold leadership by imposing a carbon tax on all fossil fuels in proportion to carbon dioxide emissions

Oil prices have plummeted since June 2014 by almost 60 per cent. This has obviously proved to be a bonanza for oil-importing countries like India just as it has seriously hurt oil-producing nations like Russia and Iran. The fall has been unexpected and what has added to the mystery is the behaviour of Saudi Arabia, the traditional “swing producer” in OPEC which has chosen not to cut production in order to boost prices.
The main reason now being adduced for the oil price decline is the re-emergence of the U.S. as a major hydrocarbon producer because of exploitation of its substantial shale deposits. Lower than anticipated demand, especially from countries like China, and anaemic economic growth in Europe have added to the pressure. As to the response of Saudi Arabia, the best guess is that it does not want to lose market share like it did the last time when it cut output to keep prices up. There are, of course, the usual conspiracy theories — that the Americans have put pressure on major OPEC oil producers not to cut output so that Russia could get hurt from falling prices. Another Byzantine view is that Saudi Arabia is not too unhappy with these prices since its arch-rival Iran is getting hurt and because over the medium-term it would discourage the development of new sources of supply that would threaten the Saudi position.
Revisiting an old idea

Whatever be its backdrop, the current oil price scenario offers the right moment for the international community as well as for major carbon emitter nations to revisit an old idea that has been around for quite some time as a way of dealing with the challenge of climate change — and this is a carbon tax. Economists mostly agree that such a carbon tax is the way to go, but it has faced tremendous political resistance, especially in the U.S. A couple of days ago, however, the influential economist Larry Summers, who has been a close adviser to both President Barack Obama and former President Bill Clinton, came out publicly in its favour, pointing out that a tax of $25 per tonne of carbon would add just 25 cents to the price of gasoline. There have been other intellectually weighty voices in the past who have advocated a carbon tax, William Nordhaus being perhaps the most prominent amongst them.
It is the political resistance to any form of taxation (what the late Sukhamoy Chakravarty, the distinguished Indian planner, had called the emerging fiscal sociology) that has led to systems of cap-and-trade being adopted to deal with the emissions problem. The EU has such a system, the Chinese have seven pilots and have announced a national initiative beginning next year, and the Americans too are putting it in place for carbon emissions from power plants. A cap-and-trade system puts a cap on the quantity of emissions (which is flexible) and the “rights” to emit are then traded for a price among classes of consumers. It has considerable appeal since it is “market-based” and it has actually been used very effectively to deal with the consequences of sulphur dioxide emissions from power plants in the U.S. (the “acid rain” problem as it is usually called). The cap-and-trade system does provide incentives for emission levels to decline. On the other hand, a carbon tax is much simpler and straightforward to design and administer since it does not involve fixing emission “quotas” for each emitting industry, which is technically very cumbersome.
A carbon tax is simple to administer since it does not involve fixing emission 'quotas' for each emitting industry, which is technically very cumbersome
William Nordhaus himself in his classic “The Climate Casino,” after an elaborate analysis of the two approaches, writes: “If I were put on the rack and forced to choose, I would admit that the economic arguments for carbon taxation are compelling, particularly those relating to revenues, volatility, transparency and predictability. So if a country is genuinely unsure, I would recommend it use the carbon tax approach.” Dale Jorgenson, one of the pre-eminent economists of our times, has taken the Nordhaus approach and asked the question: how to make it politically acceptable? In “Double Dividend: Environmental Taxes and Fiscal Reforms in the United States,” Mr. Jorgenson and his colleagues make out a persuasive case for a carbon tax in the U.S., but with a twist: that the revenues be used for a capital tax reduction with other countries free to recycle revenues in the matter they deem fit.
Actually, India has a carbon tax of sorts. It is not called as such but the United Progressive Alliance government’s budget of 2010-11 introduced a cess of Rs. 50 per tonne of both domestically produced and imported coal. Last year, this was doubled. However, the idea of this cess, it must be admitted, was less to curb carbon emissions but more to raise revenues for the National Clean Energy Fund. Of course, the Fund itself could well support carbon mitigation initiatives but its take-off has been slow so far since Finance Ministers see it as a source of mitigating not carbon but the fiscal deficit. The Fund has close to Rs. 15,000 crore already accumulated in it and this will grow rapidly as coal consumption increases. But the important point is that India already has an important half-step, even though its version of a carbon tax is not economy-wide and it is far below the levels that are generally accepted as being desirable (around $20-25 per tonne of carbon).
Mr. Summers’ plea comes with a catch: he wants the U.S. to impose a carbon tax on its own as well as a tax on the carbon tax on its imports, in order to goad other countries to adopt the carbon tax route. Perhaps he has China in mind since it has been estimated that at least a fifth of China’s emissions are because of its export sector. He seems to think that this will be World Trade Organization-compatible. But it will pose a huge threat to the world trading system which has produced tangible benefits for those who have harnessed its potential — like China and India — if it were to be used to meet climate policy objectives.
Requiring a different response

Some years ago, drawing inspiration from no less a person than Lord Keynes himself, the Nobel Laureate James Tobin proposed a tax on short-term currency transactions. This was later expanded to cover all short-term financial transactions and is widely known as the Tobin Tax. But it remains on paper as to which periodic obeisance is paid. The carbon tax is a similar development deity but it is an idea whose time has undoubtedly come given the current and expected oil price situation. In the past, oil prices have declined as they have in recent months; the commitment of countries to make the transition away from fossil fuels has perceptibly wavered. This time around, however, given the climate change imperative, our response has to be dramatically different. A carbon tax imposed on all fossil fuels in proportion to carbon dioxide emissions would signal that transformed thinking. It would generate the needed resources for low-carbon investments in a manner that does not add to the fiscal deficit and provide the impetus to a meaningful global agreement in Paris later this year in December. This could well be India’s moment of bold leadership.
(Jairam Ramesh was Union Minister of State (Independent Charge) Environment and Forests, 2009-2011).

Consolidating post-election gains in Sri Lanka

OUSTED: While “Mahinda Rajapaksa put the economy on a high growth trajectory, he failed to move on reconciliation and accountability.” Picture shows him inspecting a war victory parade in Colombo in May 19, 2012.
Reuters
OUSTED: While “Mahinda Rajapaksa put the economy on a high growth trajectory, he failed to move on reconciliation and accountability.” Picture shows him inspecting a war victory parade in Colombo in May 19, 2012.

The challenge confronting the rainbow coalition is managing differences after the glue provided by the 100-day transition and reform plan comes apart

Now that a peaceful and democratic regime change has occurred in Sri Lanka, a story that nearly played out can be told. Hours before voting, a senior diplomat in the Indian High Commission in Colombo, when asked whether President Mahinda Rajapaksa would get an unprecedented third term, replied: “How can he lose?” But he added: “It will be very close and if he loses by a whisker, he may go to the Supreme Court or ask the military to intervene.” In a stunning verdict, Sri Lankans spoke: Rajapaksa must go. He was defeated by an unthinkable rainbow coalition of different religious and political groups. Rajapaksa’s astrologer, Sumanadasa Abeygunawardene, has no place to hide, as the presidential poll was called two years early at his bidding…
Reasons for defeat
The other person who can claim credit for his defeat is his younger brother Gotabhaya Rajapaksa whose insensitive advice on politics and security evoked profound resentment among the minority Tamils and Muslims. After the election results, Mr. Rajapaksa said: “I was defeated by the Tamils, the Muslims and the upcountry Tamils.” The excesses of the extreme Buddhist organisation Bodu Bala Sena against the Muslims, south of Colombo at Aluthagama, proved the clincher. Mr. Rajapaksa’s dictatorial rule treated the state as a family fiefdom. The Indian Defence Advisor in Colombo told me in 2011 that the Rajapaksas are ‘intoxicated’ by victory in war which annihilated the LTTE in 2009. While he did put the economy on a high growth trajectory, averaging nearly 7 per cent, he failed to move on reconciliation and accountability.
In my paper “Defeating Insurgency and Terrorism in the 21st Century — The Sri Lanka Model: Can it be Replicated?” I provided an emphatic no to the question, because of the use of kinetic military action. The new President, Maithripala Sirisena, observed sometime in 2010 in Parliament that the defeat of the LTTE could not have been achieved without India’s help. Excesses allegedly committed during the closing stages of the war and Mr. Rajapaksa’s clean chit to the military, raised hackles in the West. Mr. Rajapaksa’s defiance of the U.N. and the West at one stage lost him such friends as Libya, North Korea, China, Pakistan and Russia, but won him accolades from Sinhalese nationalists for eliminating the LTTE and India’s irksome influence. It is a mystery why India did not demand a quid pro quo — say on devolution — for its strategic support during the war.
New Delhi should cooperate with Colombo to investigate the allegations of war excesses through an independent and transparent mechanism
The destruction of the LTTE marginalised India with China being encouraged to fill this strategic void. Mr. Rajapaksa also used the China card to deflect Indian pressure on devolution. China and Pakistan, indefatigable allies in targeting India, have a long history of military assistance to Sri Lanka, sourced to the epic battle of the Elephant Pass in 2000, in which the LTTE won. Later though with their help in military stores and equipment, the LTTE was destroyed. China edged its way into Sri Lanka politically and economically, beginning 2005, though its influence emerged in 2012. Today, in Sri Lanka, the Tamil majority north-east is under India’s political and economic dominance, and the south is in Chinese economic stranglehold. Mr. Gotabhaya’s familiar refrain was: The Chinese are here only for trade. Mr. Rajapaksa would say: while China is a friend, India is a relative. Mr. Rajapaksa should know that friends can be chosen, not relatives, and India is Sri Lanka’s only neighbour.
The rainbow coalition that toppled Mr. Rajapaksa was cobbled together in secret meetings over 18 months in London, New Delhi and Colombo between an odd mix of right and left-wing politicians, intellectuals, lawyers and Buddhist clergy that included former President Chandrika Kumaratunga, Prime Minister Ranil Wickremasinghe, Foreign Minister Mangala Samaraweera, constitutional expert Jayampathy Wickramaratne, left-wing academic Kumar David and Sinhalese Buddhist monk Ven. Maduluwawe Sobitha Thero. The difficult part was poaching Mr. Sirisena so that Mr. Kumaratunga and Mr. Wickremasinghe, bitter political opponents, could sit together.
The 100-day transition and reform plan, to which all parties in the coalition are signatories, will repeal the 18th Amendment, revive the 17th Amendment to restore institutions of governance, and replace the Executive Presidency with a Parliamentary system. A parliamentary election is planned for later in the year to ensure a two thirds majority to alter the constitution. But what after 100 days?
Allegations of a coup d’état are not well founded though Mr. Rajapaksa may have considered declaring an emergency in the event of a bad result. Despite four botched coups since 1962, the powerful military is well democratised, notwithstanding Mr. Gotabhaya Rajapaksa’s militarisation overdrive in the north where soldiers are engaged in a lucrative commercial enterprise to the detriment of their military training. The new government is taking the military out of business and all land not constituting the high security zone is to be returned to the civilian government.
India’s expectations
While in New Delhi last week to organise the first visit to a foreign country by President Sirisena, Mr. Samaraweera said that foreign policy during the earlier regime was ‘paranoid.’ On the Tamil question, Mr. Wickremasinghe announced that the 13th Amendment will be implemented within a unitary Sri Lanka. During his visit to New Delhi for Prime Minister Narendra Modi’s swearing in ceremony last year, Mr. Rajapaksa had told him that police powers could not be devolved. As regards Mr. Wickremasinghe’s announcement, most Tamils in the north are saying that they have heard it before and will believe it only when implemented. The appointment of a civilian governor, H.M.G.S. Palihakkara, former Foreign Secretary, replacing Major General G.A. Chandrasiri; changing the Chief Secretary with whom Chief Minister of the Northern province C.V. Wigneswaran had a conflicted relation; and returning land being used for commercial purposes are welcome steps. India should provide enough time and space for the two sides to work on the devolution of powers. On accountability, New Delhi should cooperate with Colombo to investigate the allegations of war excesses through an independent and transparent mechanism, preferably with the help of the U.N. On China, the government is to review all contracts awarded to Beijing to whom Colombo is indebted to the tune of $2.5 billion. In short, it will no longer be a free run for China. As far as New Delhi goes, Colombo crossed the red line when it allowed the Chinese conventional submarine, Great Wall 329, to dock in Colombo in September and October 2014. The previous government had been testing India’s tolerance threshold.
The challenge confronting the disparate coalition is one of managing differences after the glue provided by the 100-day programme comes apart. Political volatility could lead to the creation of new power centres around Ms Kumaratunga, Mr. Wickremasinghe and Mr. Sirisena. The government has no coherent economic policy and lack of political stability will complicate government functioning. Corruption charges being investigated against members of the old regime should not turn into a witch hunt which could consolidate support for Mr. Rajapaksa who lost by just three percentage points.
(General Ashok Mehta is former GOC IPKF South and convener of India-Sri Lanka track II dialogue.)

Fire at vegetable market

Fire broke out at a vegetable market here on Tannery Road in the early hours of Saturday . No casualty was reported in the incident.
Though the exact cause of the fire is yet to be traced, the police suspect that the mishap could have happened due to a discarded cigarette. Property worth Rs. 1.2 lakh were destroyed in the fire, the police said.
The incident came to light when a passerby noticed a thick smoke bellowing from one of the shops. He immediately raised an alarm and informed the Fire and Emergency Services Department. Two Fire and Emergency Services personnel were pressed into the service. It took nearly two hours for them to douse the flames.

Progressive farmers get eKisaan tablets

To educate, engage and empower the farming community, Chief Minister Siddaramaiah on Saturday distributed eKisaan tablets loaded with information on agriculture, education and health.
The tablets, which have been procured with financial assistance from NRI professionals, are part of the government’s ‘Namma Raitha’ platform. This platform will act as a catalyst to share best practices among farmers and facilitate higher interaction.
S.R. Patil, Minister for Information Technology and Bio Technology, said the Namma Raitha project also aimed at providing educational, e-governance, food processing, rainwater harvesting and basic healthcare information to farmers.
In the first phase, 1,500 farmers from Bagalkot and Vijayapura districts would be given the free tablets that have been developed by eKisaan Foundation. Twenty of them were handed over the gadgets symbolically on Saturday.
A dedicated call centre team has been set up to interact continuously with the farming community. The farmers, who will also get free internet from Airtel for the first three months, will also be trained on how to use them, the Minister said.

Six arrested for transporting cattle to slaughter houses illegally

The Yeshwanthpur police have seized two trucks and arrested six persons who were carrying cattle to slaughter houses.
Based on a tip-off, a team of police confronted two trucks and found 41 cattle being transported from neighbouring areas without valid documents. The police have arrested the truck drivers and four others and sent the cattle to Prani Daya Sangha rescue centre.
The police suspect that the accused either purchased the cattle from poor farmers or might have stolen them to sell in slaughter houses. A case has been registered under the Prevention of Cow Slaughter and Cattle Preservation Act against the accused.

Queen Elizabeth II is now world’s oldest monarch

Queen Elizabeth II of Britain became the world’s oldest monarch following the death of King Abdullah of Saudi Arabia.
AP
Queen Elizabeth II of Britain became the world’s oldest monarch following the death of King Abdullah of Saudi Arabia.



Saudi Arabia's King Abdullah (90), who passed away on Friday, was two years older than the Queen, who will be 89 in April.

Britain’s Queen Elizabeth II is now the world’s oldest monarch following the death of King Abdullah of Saudi Arabia.
Abdullah (90), who passed away on Friday, was two years older than the Queen, who will be 89 in April this year.
She is one of the eight octogenarian monarchs in the world, the others including the King of Thailand and the Emperor of Japan.
An anecdote has also emerged on Twitter about the Queen’s interaction with the former Saudi monarch based on the memoirs of former Saudi ambassador Sherard Cowper—Coles.
It refers to a visit to the Queen’s Balmoral Castle in Scotland in 1998 when she offered to show the then Crown Prince Abdullah around her Scottish Estate.
“To his surprise, the Queen climbed into the driving seat, turned the ignition and drove off. Women are not -- yet -- allowed to drive in Saudi Arabia, and Abdullah was not used to being driven by a woman, let alone a Queen,” Cowper—Coles writes.
“His nervousness only increased as the Queen, an Army driver in wartime, accelerated the Land Rover along the narrow Scottish estate roads, talking all the time. Through his interpreter, the Crown Prince implored the Queen to slow down and concentrate on the road ahead,” it adds.
The Queen is also the second—longest reigning monarch in British history, behind her great—great grandmother Queen Victoria, whose record she is due to surpass in September 2015.

Indian golfers Chikka, Himmat earn Asian Tour cards

Indian golfer S. Chikka and Himmat Rai were among 47 players to earn an Asian Tour card at the Qualifying School final stage presented by Sports Authority of Thailand on Saturday.
Chikka made up for the disappointment of missing out on his Tour card by one shot last year by putting up a remarkable display in what was only his second attempt at the Qualifying School. He finished fourth with a total of nine-under 276.
“This means a lot to me. I really worked hard for this. It took me a year to come back again and finally get my Tour card. It was a tough week,” the 21-year-old said.
“Missing out last year was really emotional for me but it has made me a stronger person. My attitude in my game got better and I am really happy I made it.”
Himmat Rai finished joint 12th after scoring a total of five-under 280.
Overnight leader Daniel Chopra alongside Lee Chieh-po of Chinese Taipei, Thai duo Phiphatphong Naewsuk and Danthai Boonma also earned their cards for the impending season.
Chopra, a two-time winner on the Professional Golfers Association (PGA) Tour and one-time winner on the Asian Tour, outclassed the elite field by signing for a three-under par 68 to win by four shots on 15-under par 270 total at the par-71 Springfield Royal Golf Club.
Finland’s Kalle Samooja, a former member of the Asian Tour, returned with the day’s lowest round of 65 to take second place while Thailand’s Phiphatphong Naewsuk settled one shot back in third on 275 at the Qualifying School.
2011 Asian Development Tour (ADT) Order of Merit winner Jonathan Moore of the United States, Korea’s Kim Gi-whan, Canadian Lindsay Renolds and Rai were also among those who finished inside top-40 and ties to secure their Asian Tour card for 2015.
Chopra, who fired six birdies against three bogeys, shrugged off the final round pressure and credited his experience for a remarkable performance this week.
“It feels really wonderful to be back on Tour. The course was really demanding off the tee. I was reminded of how focused I was when I tried to get my PGA Tour card a few years ago. That experience helped. I kept my rhythm nice and smooth and that gave me good confidence,” said the 41-year-old Swede.
“I am feeling more relieved now. It has been tough for me for the past few years. It’s good that I belonged somewhere again. I’ve learnt and crafted my game in Asia and it’s a place I would always call home. I can’t wait to start playing out here. Winning the Qualifying School makes me feel that I can win on Tour again,” added Chopra.
All Qualifying School entrants will be eligible to compete on the burgeoning ADT, which was inaugurated in 2010 as a gateway to the premier Asian Tour. The secondary circuit staged a record 21 tournaments in the 2014 season.

TN sets up swine flu call centre

A file photo of King’s Institute of Preventive Medicine in Chennai. The institute, JIPMER in Puducherry and 13 private laboratories are among the centres with facilities to diagnose swine flu, the Tamil nadu government said on Saturday.
The Hindu
A file photo of King’s Institute of Preventive Medicine in Chennai. The institute, JIPMER in Puducherry and 13 private laboratories are among the centres with facilities to diagnose swine flu, the Tamil nadu government said on Saturday.




Call 044-24350496, 044-24334811, 9444340496, 9361482899 and 104 for information related to swine flu and fever, diagnostic centres and treatment from government hospitals

Days after a 53-year-old man died of H1N1 infection in Chennai, the Tamil Nadu government on Saturday reviewed the situation and set up a round-the-clock call centre as it allayed fears saying there was no need to panic.
The call centre would help people get information related to swine flu and all types of fever.
“There is no need to panic. Swine flu is only a seasonal influenza,” an official release said.
State Health Minister C. Vijayabaskar chaired a meet at the Secretariat to review preventive steps taken to tackle H1N1 infection and the current status where it was stated that the state has enough stocks of Tamilflu tablets, and 20 diagnostic centres to detect swine flu.
http://www.thehindu.com/multimedia/archive/02284/swine1_2284981a.jpg
King Institute in Chennai, JIPMER in Puducherry and 13 private laboratories are among the centres with facilities to diagnose swine flu, the government said.
Also, government district and medical college hospitals are equipped with facilities to provide treatment for infection.
General public could get information related to swine flu and fever, diagnostic centres and treatment options from government hospitals by calling the call centre on 044-24350496 and 044-24334811.
Also, information could be availed by calling on numbers 9444340496, 9361482899 and 104 services, an official release said.
http://www.thehindu.com/multimedia/archive/02284/swine2_2284982a.jpg

Cameron: U.K.-India ties now stronger, deeper

British Prime Minister David Cameron.
AP
British Prime Minister David Cameron.



In his special message to India on the occasion of its 65th Republic Day, Prime Minister David Cameron hailed the U.K.-India relationship as a “partnership between two equals with a mutual respect for each other."
"I send my warmest wishes to everyone in India, the U.K. and around the world celebrating the 65th anniversary of the Republic Day," the Prime Minister said in his message.
“As millions of people mark this important milestone we can reflect on the enduring and special relationship between our two nations – the world’s oldest democracy and its largest.”
“This relationship has gone through great changes. Our collaboration is now stronger, deeper and more far-reaching. It is a partnership between two equals with a mutual respect for each other.”
The British Prime Minister, who has visited India thrice during his tenure, each time leading a large business delegation, underscored the growth in economic ties during his tenure.
“We are generating more jobs, more growth and more security for our two countries. And yet I believe that the future will only continue to get better for us both.
Beyond our economic ties, I am extremely proud of our people to people connections and of the enormous contribution of the Indian community to Britain. Whether it is through enterprise, culture, public service or business British Indians are at the forefront of our country and make an incredibly positive impact.
I look forward to a future where the U.K.-India relationship continues to thrive and we share many more milestones and experiences,” he said.

UP govt. officials disappointed at cancellation of Obama visit

Hours after news broke about the cancellation of US President Barack Obama's Agra visit, there was a sense of surprise and disappointment among the UP government officials. Interestingly, there was no official reaction from Chief Minister Akhilesh Yadav or the Chief Minister's Office.
The top official machinery of the State Government has been camping in the city over weeks now to prepare Agra to welcome the President on January 27.
The disappointment was there, said one senior official, because of the elaborate month-long preparations to welcome the President of the United States of America. Not least because there was an "unprecedented" arrangement to provide security cover to the Obamas.
The extent of preparations can be understood by the fact that over 600 workers were engaged for several days to scrub and clean spit stains over several kilometres of Agra roads.
Thousands of Indian security personnel were engaged to provide security cover to the Obamas, right from Kheria airport to the Taj. Hundreds of CCTV cameras were installed and special commandos were deployed to cover the route of 11 kilometre from the airport to the Taj.
The State government had decided to close the Taj from 9 am on January 27, till the time the Obamas leave the city, for common visitors.
UP government officials remain tight lipped and refused to speak on record over Obama's visit, now cancelled and the reasons for cancellation.
"We were just informed about the cancellation of the visit. No reason was given to us by the U.S. Security officials who left Agra this noon," said one senior official of the Agra administration.
Agra Divisional Commissioner Pradeep Bhatnagar denied that security was the reason behind the cancellation of the high profile visit to Agra.
"The MHA, I must add, was very categorical in saying that the cancellation of the visit was not due to security reasons but perhaps due to other engagements," he added.
Senior officials of the state security establishment insisted that Agra administration was ready with "unprecedented" security cover involving on the ground and aerial security for the Obamas.
The State police had set up anti-missile system in and around Taj Mahal and along Yamuna Expressway. All communicable frequencies were also planned to be jammed in and around Taj Mahal during their visit to Agra.

Dolphin dies after rescue efforts prove futile



A boy tries to save beached on the Solai Nagar coast in Puducherry on Saturday. Photo: S S Kumar
A boy tries to save beached on the Solai Nagar coast in Puducherry on Saturday. Photo: S S Kumar

Fishermen at Puducherry sighted the struggling creature at around 5 p.m. as it lay wedged in the rocks close to the coastline.

A struggling five-foot-long dolphin that beached on the Solai Nagar coast near here on Saturday evening, was declared dead later in the night.
A team from the Department of Forests which transported the dolphin to the Veterinary Hospital here, could not save the life of the mammal.
The dolphin was declared dead at around 7.30 p.m.
Fishermen first sighted the struggling creature at around 5 p.m. as it lay wedged in the rocks close to the coastline.
The fishermen initially tried to get it on a boat and ease it back into the sea but failed. They then brought it back to the shore and alerted the forest department.
However, personnel from the Forest Department took over an hour to arrive. During this period, fishermen kept pouring water on the dolphin to keep it moist.
By then, news of dolphin stranded on the coast attracted huge crowds to the beach.
Deputy Conservator of Forests P. Sathyamoorthy said that the dolphin was probably a female and weighed around 200 kg. A post-mortem would be done to ascertain the cause of death, he said.

SC faults police, acquits two Italian tourists of murder

The suspicious death of Francesco Montis, an Italian tourist, in room no: 409 of Hotel Buddha at Varanasi will remain a mystery thanks to the police failure to collect CCTV footage from the hotel's cameras.
The slip has cost the case dearly, with a three-judge bench of the Supreme Court acquitting his two Italian companions, Tomaso Bruno and Elisa Betta Bon, accused in the five-year-old murder case.
Their acquittal came despite two separate post-mortem reports showing he was strangled to death, followed by life sentence awarded to the duo by a trial court, which was confirmed by the High Court.
A bench of Justices Anil R. Dave, Kurian Joseph and R. Banumathi, which heard the appeal by the foreign tourists, expressed incredulity at the investigating officer's version that he watched the CCTV footage, but did not think of recording it in a CD.
Justice Banumathi, who wrote the verdict, blamed it on the lack of “scientific temper” at both individual and institutional levels in the police for the murder case falling to pieces.
“With the increasing impact of technology in everyday life and as a result, the production of electronic evidence in cases has become relevant to establish the guilt of the accused,” the judgment said.
“Non-production of CCTV footage, non-collection of call records (details) and SIM details of mobile phones seized from the accused cannot be said to be mere instances of faulty investigation but amount to withholding of best evidence. It is not the case of the prosecution that CCTV footage could not be lifted or a CD copy could not be made,” Justice Banumathi observed.
The three tourists had come to India from London and reached Varanasi on January 31, 2010. They had boarded at Hotel Buddha.
According to the prosecution, on February 3, all three had shut themselves up in their room the whole night. The next morning, Mr. Bruno and Ms. Betta Bon left at 4 a.m. to watch the famous 'Subahe Banaras'. They returned at 8 a.m., and soon after alerted the hotel manager that Mr. Montis was unwell.
Mr. Montis was rushed to the local hospital, where he was declared “brought dead.”
Besides the post mortem reports showing he was strangled to death, the bed in the room and the pillow covers allegedly showed the same signs, the police said.
They arrested the two Italians and charged them with murder. Both the trial court and the High Court held them as guilty “beyond any reasonable doubt.”
However, in her recent judgment, Justice Banumathi noted how the movements of the accused were not accounted for after they had shut themselves up with Mr. Montis in the room. She noted how the CCTV footage from cameras placed outside their room would have proved for a fact whether they had left the room any time in the night or not.
“Since CCTV cameras were installed in the prominent places, CCTV footage would have been best evidence to prove whether the accused remained inside the room and whether or not they have gone out,” the judgment observed, ordering the duo's release forthwith.

Intangibles and deliverables




When they meet, the core challenge before Narendra Modi and Barack Obama will be how best to harness their personal and national goodwill towards each other for positive outcomes that relate to the concerns of the common people

In two days, U.S. President Barack Obama will grace India’s Republic Day celebrations with his presence. Prime Minister Narendra Modi’s invitation to him to do so was not impulsive, though it took Mr. Obama by surprise. It is an affirmation of India’s willingness to invest in its relationship with the United States, and signals India’s belief that the two countries are good for each other. During his visit to Washington last September, Mr. Modi got a sense of the perception of India held by the U.S. leadership — its administration, business, and Congress. Finding positive resonance, he decided to request a return visit from Mr. Obama, who accepted the invitation upon realising its significance.
It is in its intangibles that this visit will be evaluated, not just on the balance sheet of deliverables. “The Obama visit served its main purpose simply when announced,” quipped Ambassador K.S. Bajpai. “It signalled that India can again be taken seriously, and that America is in the forefront of doing so.” Much of what will happen next will depend on India’s economic trajectory and the diligent management of relations by the leadership of the two countries.
A ‘two-way street’

India’s invitation to the U.S. President came at a time when both the International Monetary Fund (IMF) and the World Bank predicted that India is on its way to overtake China’s growth. Indeed, the economic outlook has turned optimistic on both sides, a contrast to 2008-2009, when growth subsided and bilateral relations became ambivalent. With cheaper energy and recovery of manufacturing, U.S. industrial employment has increased. Mr. Modi’s meetings in New York and Washington convinced American businesses about a potential exponential spurt in India-U.S. commercial exchanges and investments.
U.S. mandarins and think tank experts remain somewhat sceptical, however. They insist that any relationship is a “two-way street,” and that a pronounced pro-American affirmation was missing in Mr. Modi’s discourse. During his interaction with the Council on Foreign Relations in New York, Ken Juster reflected these concerns when he asked Mr. Modi about India’s vision for a “strategic partnership” with the U.S., and the potential for collaboration between them to work on regional and global issues. Mr. Modi’s answer got lost in translation. Meanwhile, sections of the Washington élite are trying to muddy the optics of Mr. Obama’s visit by making fun of his lame duck tour to watch a parade, allegedly neglecting his domestic agenda.
The U.S. government appears anxious about India’s regulatory environment, intellectual property rights protection standards, local content provisions, and the absence of a bilateral investment treaty.
The bilateral relationship has considerably evolved from the early decades of estrangement, which were punctuated by positive exchanges that did not leave a long-term impact. The Cold War legacy of viewing India as a nuisance is long since over. Mr. Obama looks at India-U.S. ties as “one of the defining partnerships of the 21st century.”
Indeed, there has been a steady transformation of India-U.S. relations from about the end of Mr. Clinton’s presidency. Though modest, bilateral trade has shown a consistent upward trajectory. India is a serious buyer of U.S. weapons, and carries out more military exercises with U.S. forces than those of any other country. There are more Indian students in the U.S. than anywhere else, and the Indian diaspora is nowhere more prosperous than there. Among the great powers, the U.S. has done the most to extricate India from a technology denial regime, bringing the two closer than ever.
Bilateral drivers of the relationship
When they meet, the core challenge of the two leaders will be how best to harness their personal and national goodwill towards each other for positive outcomes that relate to the concerns of the common people.
India and the U.S. need each other because better ties will help create more jobs, growth and development. Within the wide spectrum of the India-U.S. engagement, the areas of defence, energy, and technology hold the greatest promise. The employment-generating “Make in India” effort, focussed on power, communications, electronics, and high-technology engineering, is not for providing shoddy goods for the home market but to make India globally competitive. With the world’s best technology, the U.S. will be India’s preferred partner in this endeavour.
On defence cooperation, the challenge is to utilise the Defence Framework Agreement and the Defence Trade and Technology Initiative to propel co-development and joint production of defence equipment and platforms. On co-production, after initial reticence, India has indicated a willingness to proceed on four of the 17 items on offer, and has presented a supplementary list of 13 more. In the talks thus far, possible agreement is confined to two modest proposals, the short-range UAV Raven and a surveillance module for the C-130 Hercules aircraft. The rest will be considered only “down the line.”
India’s military modernisation cannot be done without proactive cooperation with the U.S. India needs greater deterrence capacity, including a bigger naval presence in the Indo-Pacific. A case in point on what more can be done is underwater drones. These can be used at ocean choke points, such as the Strait of Malacca, which abuts the Andaman Sea, through which a Chinese nuclear attack submarine passed last autumn. Following a joint U.S.-Singapore exercise last October, the U.S. Chief of Naval Operations confirmed U.S.-led underwater surveillance cooperation with Australia, Japan, Korea and Singapore. Can the U.S. help India develop and build undersea and high-altitude drones, or help us lease a nuclear submarine? That could capture the imagination of Indians.
The U.S. government appears anxious about India’s regulatory environment, intellectual property rights (IPR) protection standards, local content provisions, and the absence of a bilateral investment treaty. There is an exaggerated fear of compulsory licensing for pharmaceuticals. India’s exclusion from the Trans-Pacific Partnership negotiations is held as an example of India being a trade outlier.
The U.S. helped resolve India’s concerns about agricultural subsidy, thereby paving the way for the World Trade Organization’s agreement on trade facilitation. India has introduced market reforms in its own interest. Its recovery is being propelled by improved decision-making, targeted deregulation, increased infrastructure investment, and greater business confidence. India remains committed to an open, rule-based international trading regime. To expect it to accept a higher standard on IPR protection, above and beyond India’s existing multilateral commitments, will be unrealistic.
India has counter-concerns about protectionism and the new U.S. immigration law and has mildly protested in WTO discussions against the U.S. “Buy America” legal provisions. The U.S. refusal to negotiate a Totalization Agreement with India really rankles, when countries like Finland and Sweden have concluded such an agreement with India. Indian H-1B workers contribute, by way of “involuntary” deductions, an estimated $3 billion annually to the U.S. Social Security Trust Fund towards pensions they will never receive because their stay in the U.S. will not be long enough.
On climate change, the Sino-U.S. agreement is being held out as an example for India to emulate. China’s current emissions are four times larger than India’s and over twice that of the U.S. Given the wide gap between the emissions of India and China, as also the different levels of economic development, the question of India capping its emissions is premature. India’s focus instead will be on practical cooperative measures on energy efficiency and non-conventional sources of energy, again a key area of India-U.S. partnership.
The bilateral agenda is full and there are clear issues on the table from both sides. While officials have been labouring below-the-radar to untangle some of these, the directions from the leadership will provide breakthroughs over time, as India-U.S. exchanges have demonstrated, most notably on the civil nuclear agreement.
The strategic relationship

If the India-U.S. relationship is to become more robust, there has to be greater strategic entente. This must start with India’s neighbourhood, where the historic policy discordance has abated, but not been fully bridged. On China, though uncoordinated, there is now a remarkable similarity of approach. Both India and the U.S. seek comprehensive engagement with China, are reinforcing ties with countries on China’s periphery, strengthening their own military preparedness, and seeking to revitalise their economies.
In contrast, a telling hiatus has developed in India-U.S. strategic dialogue in other areas of India’s contiguity. It was so earlier in respect of Myanmar, and now on Bangladesh. At the time of elections there last year, China and India found themselves together against extremist and sectarian forces intent on disrupting the polls, while the U.S. seemingly stood on the other side. If the U.S. President were to go by the standard U.S. positions, he might suggest a course for Indian policy towards Pakistan — normalisation of relations, resumption of dialogue, and strategic stability. Instead, he might do better by discussing stability in both Afghanistan and Pakistan about which India has its worries. There is clearly room for a fuller India-U.S. dialogue on security in West Asia and Central Asia, the management of the Indian Ocean, and what U.S. rebalancing in Asia really means in material terms for India and the Indo-Pacific.
The way ahead

India’s fractious democracy and its fundamental asymmetry with the U.S. will constrain its capacity to meet U.S. expectations of full reciprocity. This relationship must be painstakingly built, brick by brick. It can be done with commitment at the highest level, and sensitivity for each other’s concerns.
India-U.S. ties are rooted in common values and in increasingly convergent interests. Necessary and sufficient conditions do exist today for resetting this vital partnership. The ideological polarisation of their domestic politics does not impact adversely on its present and future trajectories. What the two countries need are steady hands to steer a proper course — Mr. Modi and Mr. Obama are preparing the ground for it by their positive narrative.
(Jayant Prasad, a former diplomat, is currently a Non-Resident Fellow at the Center for the Advanced Study of India, University of Pennsylvania, and Advisor at the Delhi Policy Group.)

OBAMA'S VISIT TO INDIA

DAY 1: JANUARY 25, 2015

  • » Arrival in the morning
  • » Rashtrapathi Bhavan Ceremonial
  • » Homage to Mahatma Gandhi at Rajghat
  • » Bilateral discussions with PM Narendra Modi,    followed by a luncheon
  • » Meeting with President Pranab Mukherjee
  • » Banquet hosted by the President

DAY 2: JANUARY 26, 2015

  • » Republic Day function
  • » Rashtrapathi Bhavan Ceremonial
  • » 'At home' with Pranab Mukherjee
  • » Round table with CEO's

DAY 3: JANUARY 27, 2015

  • » To address a select gathering
  • » Visit to Agra to see the Taj Mahal
  • » Back to Delhi
  • » Leaves for the US

Another Ebola battle won

On January 18, the World Health Organization and the Malian government declared Mali free of the Ebola virus disease. Mali is the third country after Nigeria and Senegal to become free of the deadly disease. A country should have had no new cases of Ebola for a continuous period of 42 days, which is a cycle of two incubation periods of 21 days, for it to be declared free of the virus. This is a particularly remarkable achievement for Mali, given the fact that it shares a porous, 800-km-long border with Guinea. After all, on December 26, 2013, the first case of Ebola virus that led to the unprecedented crisis in West Africa was found in a remote village in Guinea. Also, Mali became the sixth West African country to record a case of Ebola when a two-year-old girl with symptoms arrived from Guinea in October last year. Even in this moment of victory, Mali has to remember that it has now only won a battle. As long as the war against Ebola remains unfinished in West Africa as a whole, Mali must not lower its guard as new cases can always come up. After all, the country once experienced a similar situation in November 2014 when it came so close to being declared free of the Ebola virus, before a “second wave” of infections delayed such a declaration. The good news is that there has been a “turning point” in the Ebola crisis with the number of new cases reported in the three worst-affected countries — Liberia, Sierra Leone and Guinea — falling in recent weeks. According to the WHO, as on January 21, 2015 all of 8,683 people have died of Ebola, and the number of cases so far is more than 21,759.
In all, if only eight cases and six deaths occurred in Mali, which are fewer than Nigeria with 20 cases and eight deaths, the reason for that is the unprecedented efforts to contain the disease from the very beginning. Starting with tracing every person who had come in contact with the sick girl on her journey from Guinea and, at one point, placing nearly 600 people under daily observation, the government, health workers and citizens acted aggressively to stamp out the disease before it turned into a crisis situation. The massive public awareness campaign, monitoring along the border, a fully geared public health system and precautions taken by people on their own helped Mali to stamp out the virus. Of course, the sombre awareness of the crisis playing out in the three worst-affected countries had a major role to play in this process. India has a lesson to learn from the way Nigeria and Mali have handled the Ebola outbreaks. Though some vital precautionary steps were taken, the small number of centres that are capable of testing for the virus and the lack of quarantine facilities at major airports indicate a low level of preparedness to counter the virus.

Restoring cricket’s purity

For far too long, an impression had gained ground that the Indian cricket board is but the fiefdom of a few individuals. The Indian Premier League case in the Supreme Court garnered attention among the public mainly in the light of the possible consequences it could have for its president-in-exile and International Cricket Council chairman, N. Srinivasan. The Court has now dealt with his conflict of interest issue firmly, barring him and others with an interest in IPL teams from contesting elections in the Board of Control for Cricket in India. However, it has declined to hold him guilty of the charge of wrongdoing and rejected the charge that he tried to cover up the betting charges against his son-in-law and Chennai Super Kings team official Gurunath Meiyappan. It rejects the position of the BCCI that there is nothing wrong in allowing its office-bearers to have a commercial interest in events such as the IPL that are organised for commercial purposes, unlike representative cricket. By striking down the amendment that enabled such conflicts of interest, and mandating an independent committee to streamline the Board’s functioning, the Court has done the groundwork for removing some of the malaises afflicting sports administration in India. It marks the beginning of what ought to be a long process of cleaning up a game that has an enormous following in the country, but is also struggling to preserve its purity in an era of unbridled commercialism. It is also an affirmation of the Mukul Mudgal committee’s findings.
The most welcome feature is that the verdict addresses the BCCI’s credibility deficit in more ways than one. First, it bars an office-bearer from holding a commercial interest in events organised by it; or, conversely, it bars those with such an interest from contesting for elective office. Second, it places the interests of the game, especially its reputation among its fans and its institutional integrity, at the heart of cricket administration, which will now be treated as a public function, even though the BCCI is a private body. And thirdly, it has taken the disciplinary jurisdiction regarding individuals and teams found guilty of wrongdoing in the betting scandal of the IPL’s 2013 edition out of the BCCI’s hands and vested it in a committee of three eminent former judges. Finally, the same committee, comprising a former Chief Justice of India and two others formerly with the Supreme Court, will suggest reforms and changes in the rules and regulations. In essence, the Court has sought to emancipate cricket administration from the whims of individuals and impose much-needed restraints on overweening ambition, non-transparent practices, and the cover-up of unsavoury developments.